Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Guilherme Silva. Mostrar todas as mensagens
Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Guilherme Silva. Mostrar todas as mensagens

quarta-feira, 23 de maio de 2012

The Bacelar Case



This law case reports to the nineteen nineties. It could seem an apparently innocuous case about a civil servant who illegitimately claimed large amounts of money for expenses, the unusual is that the the Public Prosecutor's charges were initially made against nine members of the government hierarchy, right up to the Secretary of Finances.

The story: Bacelar was an elderly civil servant who worked in the Financial Inspectorate and was reluctantly persuaded to become its director, despite being uneager and underqualified. While the former was perceived by the powers that be as a bonus, the latter presented a problem: Bacelar could not legally earn a director's salary. A solution was found to keep him sweet. He would be paid the difference in expenses for work trips to the next door island of Porto Santo - journeys he never made… he was obliging enough to sign in for work in Madeira, while he was officially away for work in Port Santo… Although the whole hierarchy was in on the scam, indeed they had thought it up and implemented it, only Bacelar was eventually convicted - the judge dropped the charges against the eight other accused before the trial began.

The story behind the story. The Financial Inspectorate had the task of checking on various matters, among them imports, smuggling and counterfeit goods - the services had recently been regionalized - and the Regional Government had a problem: Bacelar's predecessor, João Alberto Freitas, was rather keen on his duties. He sunk his teeth into the scam of importing out-of-date meat from the EU, unfit for consumption, which was relabeled and sold on the local market. He repeatedly inspected the Patio restaurant, then owned by the all-powerful Jaime Ramos, and was told by his superiors, in no uncertain terms, to back off. 

João Alberto didn't back off. He was removed from duty, subjected to disciplinary proceedings (filed by Bertie's pal Guilherme Silva) and sent to stew in a rat poison warehouse. Still having faith in the 'great leader', he wrote him a letter denouncing the whole situation. This coincided with the period after the silver exhibition was stolen from the Regional Parliament and the regime was shaken by corruption scandals. Bertie John, ever the actor, called on all those who wished to denounce corruption to write to him personally. 

By the time João Alberto Freitas wrote his third denunciation letter, his patience was wearing thin and the language he used also - the great leader flaunted the third letter as evidence that the man had never been quite right in the head. Of the corruption letters campaign, Bertie was to say that he had received 300 letters in all, but only one had talked about corruption. His Government was as clean as a whistle!

But the Bacelar case moved on, and however much the powers that be denied it, it was clear that the whole hierarchy had approved the illicit payment scheme - essentially to have someone docile on the job. The priority, Government wisdom preached, was to enlighten business people, not to inspect them. But why spend five months a year enlightening the business community of Porto Santo, where there were only a handful of businesses?

The Court Auditor's report was crystal clear,  apart from the detail that Bacelar had signed in for work in Funchal when he was officially away, there were no documents, tickets or bills to support the payments for Bacelar's obviously fictitious Porto Santo trips! The hierarchy, right up to the Secretary had to be in on the scheme! Bacelar was a bozo: useless, dispensable, a scapegoat. 

The remarkable and unusual aspect of this case is that the Public Prosecutor actually contested the judge's decision to drop the charges against the other eight accused - the only ones who had the power and the means to implement the scheme.   

The lesson: there are three legs to the Portuguese justice system, each presents an opportunity for Bertie to knobble it.

segunda-feira, 13 de fevereiro de 2012

1988 Expopriation case decided

The Supreme Court has judged that the Regional Government has 30 days to pay 1.8 million Euros compensation to the former owners. The land was expropriated in 1988 by the Regional Government to build the União Club sports complex in Camacha.

The União club was headed for many years by Jaime Ramos, the PSD-Madeira general secretary and PSD-M parliamentary leader - President Jardim's right hand man. The lawyer for the Government is Guilherme Silva, currently Vice President of the Portuguese Parliament for the PSD, and long-term intimate friend of President Jardim.

There are many similar cases dragging on in the courts for decades. The lawyer representing the state is in most cases Guilherme Silva. President Jardim has advocated using expropriation cases to make people lose money in Court. Oppostion parties have accused him of carrying out 'political expropriations'.

quinta-feira, 19 de janeiro de 2012

Who is Guilherme Silva?

Apart from being Vice President of the Portuguese Parliament, Guilherme Silva is also the lawyer who represents the Regional Government in most cases of political expropriations. i.e. expropriations which are carried out as a deliberate form of economic persecution.

Such political expropriations are common in Madeira and are assumed openly by Jardim, who states that those who get in his way should be expropriated in such a way that they are made to lose time and money through the courts. The procedure is simple: the Government decides to expropriate land for some public use and offers to pay a sixth or a seventh of the market value. The owners then have to resort to Portugal's notoriously slow justice system...

Enter Guilherme Silva. As the lawyer representing the Government in such cases, he is known to drag cases out over several decades with delay tactics - constant appeals and requests for clarification etc.
In short, he is not a pleasant piece of work and he does very nicely indeed out of this little business. While Jardim's victims are dispossessed and have to wait decades to see justice, a Court Auditor's report revealed Silva earned a half a million Euro yearly retainer from the Regional Government alone - he also represents the municipalities, football clubs and public companies.

Indeed Silva represents the public bus company, Horários do Funchal, which the Government has announced it is to privatize, in the case of the land the company expropriated in the 1980s to build its headquarters and never paid for.

Jardim Blackmails Lisbon Government

The Madeira bail-out agreement, due to have been signed last Monday, is yet to be signed. The Regional Government is holding out, hoping for more concessions.
The Prime Minister stated, at the beginning of the week, that the Madeira Government had to adopt the bail-out-plan as its own and not view it as an imposition from Lisbon, to make Lisbon the scapegoat for the measures to be adopted. He added that the Madeira Government was the one who had to act in a hurry in order not to worsen the crisis.
Apparently, the Madeira Government does not share this view. Jardim’s spokesman, Guilherme Silva, let slip in an interview last night, that should the Madeiran finances collapse, the financial backlash would look bad, not so much for the Madeiran Government,  but for the Portuguese Government, harming its ratings and credibility internationally.
The cat is out of the bag, Jardim is willing to let the Madeira debt crisis escalate, at a huge cost to the Madeirans, in order to pressure Lisbon to soften the austerity measures, which result from his own mismanagement.

sexta-feira, 13 de janeiro de 2012

Jardim threatens political crisis

President Jardim has threatened not to sign the agreement with the national government to help pay off the Madeira debt (an accumulated a debt of 6 billion Euro), saying that the current plan is not feasible. Taking absolutely no responsibility for the current financial situation, his government has instead opted to incite the population against the Portuguese Government.
The Secretary of finance made a statement this week saying that he did not pay the pharmacies in order to give priority to EU funded programs, an absurd excuse seeing that the debt to the pharmacies has been accumulated over many years.
The Forum for Autonomy, a pro-independence association (essentially a shadow of the now defunct separatist terrorist group, FLAMA), an organization headed by PSD members and Jardim by, himself has called for a referendum on the independence of Madeira.
The belligerent tone was earlier set by Guilherme Silva (PSD), vice president of the Portuguese Parliament, who called for Madeirans to ‘resist’ against the national government (also PSD).
The threat of separatism has been used on many occasions by Jardim to blackmail the various national governments. Sources close to Jardim say that, should the Portuguese government not capitulate, he intends to create a national crisis to bring down the government.
Jardim, whose Party voted down requests by opposition Parties to debate the austerity measures in the regional parliament, has announced he will be holding meeting on the 20th of January to explain the measures to his own Party grass roots.

quinta-feira, 24 de novembro de 2011

Guilherme Silva threatens a revolt in Madeira



Guilherme Silva, Vice-President of the National Parliament, threatened that if the budget alterations tabled by the Madeira PSD are not approved in the national parliament ‘we will revolt once more. Madeira has revolted against continental oppression in the past and can do so again’.

Such rhetoric is typical of the PSD Madeira, which never assumes any responsibilities for its mistakes and blames everything on Madeira’s external and internal ‘enemies’. Jardim often incites the population to violence and insinuates that the Madeira separatist movement may resurge.

Silva was one of the four national MPs elected for the PSD in Madeira and is widely seen as Jardim’s ‘fixer’ in the mainland. He forgets, however, that the oppression in Madeira comes from the Jardim Government and not from the mainland and that any revolt is likely to be against the party he represents.